The Limits and Adaptations of Marginal People
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;Ethnography of the Utah-Korean Community


Wolran Kim
July 2011



Korean-Americans in Utah are ordinary immigrants who we often see all around the world, but they have their own cultural knowledge (Bonvillain, pg 21). Their subculture is unique and it is integrated from both Korean and Western culture, specifically Utah (Bonvillain, pg 28). Each state has its unique customs in America. Unlike mainstream society, the Korean-American subculture shows the joys, sorrows, and passions of the immigrant. Their way of life is more rough and stressful than those from Korea, but it is also a valuable fruit of adapting to overcome the limitations of language barriers and cultural shocks. When Koreans in Korea see us Korean-Americans, they see us as Americans, but Americans view us as Koreans (Bonvillain, pg 28). Fortunately, humans are endowed with the ability of adaptation to overcome any circumstance. In order to live, we must be able to be both the primitive man in the jungle and the Frenchman in Paris.

Their culture pattern is divided depending on the reason for immigration. Largely, there are three categories: immigrant families, international students, and employment-based immigrants. Each group has a different daily language (more English or more Korean), beliefs, values, solidarity, and interactions with the mainstream society (Bonvillain, pg 31). The majority of immigrant families make a living by an independent enterprise or with physical labor, such as running a small market, restaurant, laundromat, clothing store, shoe repair center, alteration or assembly line (Kim, Fieldnotes #3). These jobs show us their adaptation in a foreign country to get along and survive when many of them had been working at a professional job that required a college degree in Korea.

This first group sticks with only Korean in their own culture except for a colloquial level of English in their job apart from mainstream society. According to one report from KAEDC, 48%
of immigrants in the U.S. replied that their biggest difficulty is English communication (KAEDC). Assimilation, which means, “Process by which a less numerous and less powerful cultural group changes its ways and cultural identity to blend in with the dominant culture (Bonvillain, pg 33)”, is applied to the second and third group much more than the first group. Most international students and employment-based immigrants have professional jobs, and enjoy local cultural lives even though they eat Korean food everyday (Kim, Fieldnotes #3).

Their religious lives, which lead their values and beliefs, are integrated into a larger stream; on the other hand, their own careers and life styles are clearly divided into three groups. 80% of Korean-Americans in the U.S. are Christians, while 25% are in Korea. This number shows that they learn and share the Christian culture (Kim, Fieldnotes # 3). This religious percentage also correlates with 80% of Utahns being LDS. There is a joke: The Chinese open restaurants if only three people are together and the Koreans build churches if only three people are together. (I talked about Korean immigrants' religion in Fieldnote #3.)  “The Sabbath Day” befits much better than “Sunday” for SLC's urban landscape on Sundays. This harmonized atmosphere is comfortable to them too. This also shows that the church has been helping immigrants settle from Korea to America for a long time.

Immigrants who set foot in a foreign land need a place where they can exchange information with their peers about their realities and to get emotional comfort. The church organization meets these demands. With that, small churches spring up like mushrooms after rain, and then disappear. Their culture wars appear to conflict within the church in this state and it is present more often than in Korea. This might be a natural result of all immigrants seeking to unload their desires and sorrows of life in the church.
Utah-Koreans have 1-3 children on average. South Korea's fertility rate is the lowest of the world and the younger generations think that one child is good enough. Until the 1970s, they had over five children on average. This was influenced by the notion of preferring a son to a daughter. Consequently, the government implemented a population policy for birth control. According to the World Population Report published by UNFPA (2009), Korea's fertility rate is 1.22 people per household while the world's average is 2.54. In developed countries the population per household is 1.64, developing countries 2.7, and under-developed countries 4.29.

The reasons for Korea’s fall in birthrate are due to an increase of child support charges, disparities in the labor market, reduced effectiveness of before and after childbirth leave, impracticality of the policy for childbirth and childcare, and the growth of women's consciousnesses. The social foundation cannot support society's needs for raising kids. In one survey, 73% of young people answered that marriage is not a thing which has to be done. Currently, 48% of households have 1 or 2 family members in Korea. It was only 15% 30 years ago. 4 family members of the Nuclear Family era are changing to 1 or 2 family members of the Electron Family era. Scholars coined the term, 'Electron Family' from the meaning of the electron, which moves around the nucleus (Joongang). Dual-earner families make up 33% of Korea, and this increase of women's employment is due to both economic reasons and personal motivations. Immigrant communities have a much higher percentage in dual-earner families. Almost every family who I know is. (There are no exact statistics but I think it would be 70-80%)
Immigrants have the same thoughts as mainstream Korea.

They move to a better neighborhood for the best educational experience for their children, if circumstances permit. But they do not want to sacrifice their life for their children as is Korea’s social conscience. This change has a thread of connection with a decrease of birth rates. Korea has traditionally been a Confucian society with a patriarchal system. (Now, women's social and domestic positions have increased rapidly due to Western culture.) So, the oldest son's responsibility for the parents' retirement security and family ties is a large part. A lot of social perceptions have changed with a low birth rate, but Korean people are still feeling that a son is more valuable than a daughter. Korean families and relative systems are also much stricter than the U.S. Eskimos have 16 different words for snow. Nominal language structure shows their aspect of society. Almost all relatives are called aunt or uncle in America, but Korean people's designations are all broken down according to the mother's or father's side, gender, and age.

The Utah-Korean Cultural Center, which is administered by Pastor Samuel Roh (informant of my fieldnotes), shows how Koreans adapt in this area. Korean Times of Utah, Korean Language School for second generation Koreans, Senior Club, Korean library, computer class, and photography club are their methods of adaptation as immigrants who have language barriers (Kim, Fieldnotes #1). It is impossible to become fluent, as an adult, in a foreign language without systematic training and education. Additionally, they congregate among themselves except at their jobs or businesses. They are more passionate as parents about their children’s education for a better second generation than any other immigrant community. Most of their answers about the reasons for immigration are the education and future of their children. The strict education system of Korea has been inherited by them, and their number one priority is that.

The measure of modern capitalist civilization is material and social success. This is a tangible reality and this competition between immigrants is higher than between Americans. Also this relative concept makes us understand the negative parts of Utah-Korean cultural activities and sentiments. They do not have biased ethnocentrism because immigration basically is a transfer over to a better place (America) for a better life. But they have self-esteem and patriotic pride for about five thousand years of tradition and history, scientific excellence of the Korean language, a warm-hearted Korean culture, a dutiful culture to their parents, and a diligent national character.

One survey shows the identity of Korean immigrants. 73% of respondents answered that they are Korean, 26% said they are Korean-American, and scarcely anybody said they are American (KAEDC). Their attention to their homeland never breaks even though there are vast distances in the Pacific Ocean. If we consider the impact of legalized dual citizenship and enfranchisement on the Utah-Korean community, it is very small scale (Kim, Fieldnotes #1). They are Korean no matter what. They are Utah-Koreans who have gone and adapted to American culture thoroughly.